Anti-Liberalism 2000: The Rise of New Millennium by David Henderson, G. C. Harcourt, Geoffrey Owen

By David Henderson, G. C. Harcourt, Geoffrey Owen

Within the final twenty-five years, many nations have launched into programmes of financial liberalisation. yet, David Henderson argues, it's a mistake to think that financial liberalism has triumphed: anti-liberal forces are robust and in a few respects have won floor. Henderson analyses those forces, new and previous. as well as the continued carry of 'pre-economic ideas', new components comprise anti-market NGOs, a much broader circle of perceived 'victims of injustice', the unfold of labour marketplace law, and an 'alarmist consencus' approximately globalisation and environmental degradation. the mix of previous and new principles ends up in 'new millennium collectivism', which gives the most impetus in the back of the anti-liberalism of this present day. Geoffrey Harcourt, in a observation, is of the same opinion with a few of Henderson's perspectives, yet disagrees quite at the desire for minimal criteria in labour markets. He contends additionally that Henderson is just too tough on NGOs and too inspired with the long term aggressive equilibrium version. David Henderson responds to the reviews and units out additional matters that have to be explored.

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Example text

Hence I was not surprised to see Geoff Harcourt writing, in his 1992 article already quoted, of ‘the advantages and achievements’ of ‘markets and competitive forces’. 3 The economic reforms of recent years have in fact given expression to ideas which are characteristic of economists as of no other group. Although many economists even today, quite possibly a majority, would not wish to describe themselves as liberals in my sense of the term, the fact is that liberals are more likely to be found within their ranks than outside them.

But in these cases also, the search for explanations may have to be extended more widely. In my view, it is often necessary to take account of the views and perceptions of those outside the so-called ‘iron triangle’, views and perceptions which may well be shared by politicians and officials within it. Interest groups are successful not just through skilful lobbying and persuasion directed towards those in power, but also by winning assent or support from a wider public opinion, made up of those who are outside the process of decision-making and whose jobs and incomes are not at stake in what is decided.

New millennium collectivism The presumption of injustice In all this, there is a common presumption. It is that the existence of large disparities is an evil, and that it gives proof of remediable injustice. It is this belief, in conjunction with the alarmist consensus, that provides the main doctrinal basis for anti-liberalism 2000. The presumption of injustice is reflected in a now standard vocabulary. Take the Human Development Report 1999. Although ‘marginalised’ is its favourite term, reference is also made to countries being ‘deprived’, ‘excluded’, ‘condemned’ and ‘disenfranchised’ [sic], and to their status as ‘victims’.

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